Alliance with U.S. still diplomatic linchpin

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Japan's existence as a trading nation relies on international peace and stability. At a time when security situations in Asia and elsewhere in the world are being shaken, it is vitally important for the nation to get actively involved in establishing new and stable international orders.
There are a number of problems that the nation cannot tackle on its own, such as how to eliminate North Korea's nuclear and missile threats; how to confront China's presence as it emerges as a major political, economic and military power; and how to engage in ongoing reconstruction efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan as attacks continue by international terrorist groups across the globe.
Throughout the postwar period, Japan's diplomacy has consistently been anchored by its relations with the United States. To maintain the United States' formidable presence as a superpower--which includes the military deterrent that is the foundation of Japan's security and also key to international peace and prosperity--it is becoming more and more important to maintain the Japan-U.S. alliance.
A stronger alliance with the United States involves proactive diplomacy that enables Japan to secure its national interests while closely working with the United States in policy coordination. This does not mean Japan blindly complying with any and all requests made by the United States.
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Be a partner, not a follower
Japan and the United States together are pressuring North Korea to completely abandon its nuclear programs. But Pyongyang has yet to fulfill its duty to declare all of its nuclear programs as agreed under six-party talks. It is, however, continuing to develop nuclear weapons. If North Korea manages to produce small nuclear warheads able to be loaded onto a Rodong missile that can reach Japan, it would expose the nation to even more threats.
The nuclear issue is mainly handled through bilateral talks between the United States and North Korea. Japan needs to demand that the United States press North Korea hard. The United States also should not treat lightly the potential removal of North Korea from the list of terrorism-sponsoring states before progress is made on the issue of Japanese abducted by North Korean agents.
To deepen the alliance, it is important to make steady progress in the realignment of U.S. forces stationed in Japan and to promote defense cooperation regarding such matters as the establishment of missile shields and the formulating of cooperation plans in the event of emergencies in areas surrounding Japan.
It also is necessary to review the government's contradictory interpretation of the Constitution regarding the nation's right to collective self-defense, which states the nation possesses that right but cannot exercise it. Following the submission of a report on the issue to be compiled soon by a government advisory panel, the government should start working for a review of the current interpretation.
If the government neglects to make these efforts, the Japan-U.S. alliance will be shaken, and weaken Japan's diplomatic clout.
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Keep China in mind
Combined with a policy to seek stronger Japan-U.S. relations, the promotion of vigorous diplomacy in Asia serves as another linchpin in foreign policy under the Cabinet of Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. The core of this diplomacy can be found in Japan-China relations.
During Fukuda's visit to China late last month, the two nations made agreements on such issues as the expansion of youth exchanges, but they failed to settle an ongoing dispute over gas field exploration in the East China Sea.
What Japan and China should pursue is not merely a friendly relationship but a strategic, mutually beneficial relationship. What could the two nations do to produce results on economic, energy and environmental issues that manage to go beyond differences in strategic approaches? This question will be tested with Chinese President Hu Jintao's first visit to Japan expected this spring.
It is essential to urge China to act responsibly as a member of the international community.
Military exchanges through reciprocal visits of naval vessels and other means should be made to help establish a favorable security environment in the region. While seeking more transparency on China's military spending, which has registered double-digit growth for the 19th year in a row, we should pay close attention to China's real reasons for modernizing and expanding the scope of naval and air force operations.
It also is important that improvements be made in Japan-South Korea relations, which stalled under the administration of President Roh Moo-hyun. President-elect Lee Myung Bak has indicated he would review South Korea's current conciliatory policy toward North Korea. Tokyo and Seoul should bolster bilateral cooperation to form a stronger international coalition against Pyongyang.
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Define SDF's role
At the Group of Eight major nations summit meeting to be held in July at Toyakocho, Hokkaido, it will be crucial for Japan as the host to be aware that it plays a key role for stability in Asia--such as through arranging talks between G-8 leaders with leaders of China and South Korea.
In terms of security-related legislation, the nation urgently needs to establish a permanent law on the dispatch of Self-Defense Forces personnel on overseas missions.
Even if a new antiterrorism law is enacted that would allow the resumption of the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean, the legislation will still expire in a year. There could be another big political crisis upon its expiration.
It is more rational to seek the establishment of a permanent law regarding the SDF's overseas missions, including the refueling operation.
For the establishment of such a law, U.N. Security Council resolutions will be a key point of contention.
Democratic Party of Japan leader Ichiro Ozawa argues that the dispatch of SDF personnel should be limited to activities that are based on Security Council resolutions. In such cases, he argues, even activities that involve the use of force would not conflict with the Constitution. This would be a shift in the interpretation of the top law and is worthy of consideration.
But the dangers associated with an approach that attaches supreme importance on the United Nations must be noted. The Security Council could be paralyzed by China or Russia exercising their veto powers.
Japan should decide what international peace activities the nation participates in. Entrusting the Security Council to make decisions can be regarded as discarding sovereignty. We should establish frameworks that enable the dispatch of SDF personnel for overseas missions with the approval of the Diet, regardless of whether the Security Council has adopted resolutions on such missions.
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Reform Defense Ministry
The SDF's overseas missions are limited to logistical support and humanitarian assistance. It is necessary to consider having security enforcement, escort services and vessel inspections added to these missions. By doing so, the SDF's participation in maritime interdiction operations in the Indian Ocean could be put on the table.
The SDF's criteria on the use of arms should surely be reviewed when doing this. SDF personnel are currently allowed to use weapons only for self-defense and in emergency evacuations. Unless the criteria are revised to match international standards, which allow those engaged in peacekeeping activities to use arms to carry out their duties, SDF activities cannot be conducted safely and effectively.
Drastic reform of the Defense Ministry also is a pressing issue.
A series of scandals involving ministry officials came to light last year, such as the bribery case involving former Administrative Vice Defense Minister Takemasa Moriya and the leaking of information about the Aegis defense system. The ministry needs to work on concrete measures to reform defense equipment procurement systems and protect classified information, and implement them as soon as possible.
Restoring public trust will be indispensible if the government wishes to devise the nation's new security policy and put it into practice.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 7, 2008)
(Jan. 7, 2008)